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Letter 3: Pannekoek to Castoriadis

Naturally, I do not claim that the revolutionary actions of the working class will all unfold in an atmosphere of peaceful discussion. What I claim is that the result of the struggle, often violent, is not determined by accidental circumstances, but by what is alive in the thoughts of the workers, as the basis of a solid consciousness acquired by experience, study, or their discussions. If the personnel of a factory must decide whether or not to go on strike, the decision is not taken by smashing fists on the table, but normally by discussions.

Letter 2: Castoriadis to Pannekoek

Where in contrast there is, in fact, a real difference of opinion between us, is on the question of knowing if, during this revolutionary period, these councils will be the sole organism which plays an effective role in conducting the revolution, and, to a lesser extent, what the role and task is of the revolutionary militants in the meantime. That is, the “question of the party.”

Issue 1: Occupy Everything

Issue 1: Occupy Everything

Class composition of Occupy • The first two weeks of Occupy Philly • The Arab Spring and global finance • Oakland and its insurrectionary history • Purto Rican higher education and the student strike • Hip-hop and revolutionary practice • The labor movement and the future of Occupy • Translations of Cornelius Castoriadis and Anton Pannekoek

The Prince and the Pauper

Everyone on the left has pointed out that the riots in London are rooted in capital’s assault on the working class, couched in the ideological language of austerity – and that this was the kindling sparked by the racist police brutality that culminated in the murder of Mark Duggan. But our task – like Marx’s task, when he defended the violent upheaval of the Silesian weavers – isn’t to give a moral evaluation of the riots, like schoolmasters diligently stacking the pros against the cons, but, rather, to grasp their specific character.