Where Marx and Engels have important things which are directly about nations is in relation to the attitude socialists should take towards specific national movements. At heart their attitude is based on whether the success of any movement – secessionist or irredentist – is likely to advance the possibility of the socialist revolution, although this was often in indirect ways.
We in Argentina are faced with a right-wing that is more modern, versatile in the world of mass media and social networks, much more attentive and lucid in everything that has to do with the production of consensus. We must ask ourselves, how is a government like this possible in the country today?
Eight months after a co-ordinated attack against a refugee center in Heidenau, Eastern Germany, we discuss the newly emerging right-populist PEGIDA movement and the Alternative for Germany party with anti-fascists on the ground. What are the possibilities for left regroupment? And how can we move beyond “firefighting” and regain the offensive momentum the German left had last spring?
If socialist sentiment is undeniably on the rise, an organized socialist movement is only in its infancy. As we continue to reflect on how to transform this new interest in socialism into an organized political force, the preceding history of the Socialist Party of America may provide some insights.
Think of Occupy, Black Lives Matter and the Bernie Sanders Campaign as waves, all of them leading to the next wave. Instead of measuring one against another, we would do better to see their connections and possible relations. In order to unite people belonging to different movements into a longterm, organized radical force in this country, we would do well to begin, as C.L.R. James advised, with what they do.
In the discourse of “slavery,” the textile workshops and their thousands of migrant workers are a sort of black hole where another type of humanity is concentrated, one that is never fully recognized as such, other than under the idea of complete foreignness.
In a text that can be read as their founding manifesto from late 1972, to which Foucault was the only named contributor, the Groupe Information Santé discusses the political nature of the inquiry, the need for marginalized groups to assert their power, and claims that medical issues are at the forefront of class struggle.
Bolivians head to the polls this weekend to decide on whether to give incumbent President Evo Morales a fourth term in office – but the possibilities for radical democracy in the country are also at stake.
Little information is published on prisons. It is one of the hidden regions of our social system, one of the dark zones of our life.
The eleven groups featured in our movement inquiry constitute part of what may be an emerging radical pole in the struggle for black liberation. Even in their analytical divergence and organizational heterogeneity, they yield the outlines of a revolutionary unity, opposed to separatism, whose ambitions exceed that of the misleadership both new and old.
The errors to which Sbardella sees Tronti falling prey are, on the one side, an uncritical acceptance of immediacy and spontaneous action, and on the other side, an equally uncritical acceptance of political mediation as the direct expression of proletarian subjectivity. In fact the two errors are symmetrical – two sides of the same coin.