As this inquiry demonstrates, campus activism has taken myriad forms – from perennial die-ins and walkouts to a campaign for a Level 1 Trauma Center. Still, what many share is a rejection of the mythos of “Black progress.” What they embrace, in turn, is that the enduring condition of Blacks in the United States is one of struggle, necessitating agitation for the re-imagination of equity in an equally enduring white-supremacist order.
Lineages • Theories • Terrains of Struggle • Sexualities • Populations • Paradigms of Production • Forms of Life
The Black Panther Party was able to sustain disruption because the character of the practices that they had developed, that cultural technology of armed self-defense coupled with this anti-imperialism. It meant that the more authorities repressed them, the more they were able to gather broad allies, who otherwise wouldn’t have supported the party in the first place, but also had their own reasons to really feel threatened by the status quo.
Very few anticipated anything approaching Corbyn’s victory at the beginning of the race, not least Corbyn himself. But now, with the benefit of hindsight, it is possible to identify the confluence of tendencies that led to this perfect storm in the summer of 2015 – and an analysis of the history of the Labour Party can illuminate situations and strategies for the British left in the coming years.
Reitter’s insistence that Capital is not principally a text about the “autonomous” subject of capital, but the specific social relations that underlie capitalism and their constitutive struggles, provides an important challenge. Class struggle, in this reading, is not simply additive to theories of value or crisis; it indicates the historical movement which opens up to the possibility of liberation, a movement which is irreducible to any determinism.
As neoliberal gentrification accelerates to outrageous levels, we focus on three epicenters of housing struggles to share emerging and long-term strategies of resistance. In doing so, we intend to amplify a national conversation about how to combat the displacement, inequality, and violence that constitute gentrification.
I think many of us understand intuitively – even if our analytical frames lag behind – that capitalism is more than an “economic” system, and even more than a social system. Capitalism is a way of organizing nature.
The MIR was born on August 15, 1965, out of the confluence of several small currents of the critical left that at that time opposed parliamentarianism and the legalism of the majority of the left and aspired to construct a Marxist revolutionary organization, rupturing with electoral strategies and the state.
Revolutionary Union members weren’t going off to do some exciting actions and waiting for the rest of the world to rise up. This is heavy stuff. These young people basically said “I’m going to dedicate my life to making a revolution in the United States.”
The analysis of James’s thought elaborated here is only a preliminary to what we have called a counter-genealogy of race. Tracing this genealogy could assist us in overcoming the aporias that stall contemporary debates around race, and requires suspending any pre-given conception of the concept in order to shed light on the heterogeneous, and sometimes contradictory, historical instances of a counter-concept of race within struggles against racial oppression.
Underlying those points – which we might call tactical points about the usage of cybernetic technologies by revolutionary movements – is another larger, more strategic point: the changes in class composition which have been effected by capital in terms of its restructuring of the global workforce using automata and networks and, in the financial system, networks of automata.