Since its inception the Feminist Strike has been an intergenerational movement, driven by strata of very young women but also managing to incorporate older women, who in many cases had no prior political experience. This mixture seen in assemblies and work commissions has now crystallized in personal bonds, where our comradeship precedes any existing differences. The principle of active solidarity is enabling women from diverse backgrounds to become quickly aware of the problems and conflicts that affect other women.
The Women’s Strike Assembly in Britain began with women coming together to explore our visions of the red feminist horizon – what it could look like and, crucially – how we could get there.
Between March 8, 2018 and March 8, 2019 then, we built a way forward centered on our capacity to articulate, beginning with feminism and the force of its interpellations, its capacity to bring our concrete, everyday lives into the open.
What is novel about the current moment is the confluence of two processes: on the one hand, the diffusion of feminism among a new generation of women, especially borne of confrontations with gendered violence. A second process concerns the decolonization of (neo)liberal feminism, which began with the impact of the Zapatista movement and the uprising of 1994.
With six million people on strike in Spain, general strikes or work stoppages called by labor organizations in Italy, Argentina, and Chile, mass demonstrations in a number of countries including Turkey and Mexico, and a significant growth of mobilizations in the UK, Belgium and Germany, this March 8 has demonstrated the expansive dynamic of the new feminist movement.
In order to ensure autonomy from parts of the movement more reluctant to this recomposition, working-class layers need to increase their capacity to raise a massive movement, and to draw inspiration from and coordinate with movements abroad. With such an internationalist inspiration, and given the unprecedented opportunity that Macron’s presidency is giving to France’s working class to build new solidarities, the women’s movement has the chance to inject anti-capitalist and internationalist perspectives into the struggle, as decisive contributions to the processes of subjectivation that are already in motion.
We see the womxn’s strikes as an expression of this broader motion: they address class issues as well as issues of gender violence and racism. They make it possible to bridge the gap between struggles against economic exploitation and sexualized violence, which have been tackled separately for far too long.
As part of a dossier on the international movement for Palestinian liberation, we asked seven different organizations to tell us about their history, their priorities, their political orientations, and the broader state of the internationalist Palestine solidarity movement in the United States. Readers can explore their answers either by organization or, below that, by theme. RESPONSES BY ORGANIZATION Within Our Lifetime… Read more →
Since 2014, the movement for Palestinian liberation has opened up new fronts for struggle and solidarity, winning growing support in the United States for the Palestinian struggle in a whole host of movements, institutions, and popular opinion at large. This shift has even been evident in the realm of electoral politics, where an unprecedented support for Palestine has been exhibited,… Read more →
As part of a dossier on the international movement for Palestinian liberation, Viewpoint asked psychologist and scholar Lara Sheehi to interview Ahmed Abu Artema, one of the main organizers of the Great March of Return. Interview and English translation: Lara Sheehi Lara Sheehi: Would you mind first introducing yourself to our readers, knowing how important the question is in the… Read more →